In her biography of the late Sen. John L. McClellan, titled “Fearless,” Sherry Laymon begins a chapter with something Paul Greenberg wrote in the Pine Bluff Commercial following McClellan’s death in late 1977.

“Not even the Angel of Death would have dared creep up on John L. McClellan in broad daylight,” Greenberg wrote.

Norma McClellan was unable to wake the senator for breakfast on Nov. 28, 1977. She ran to get her neighbor at the Riviera Apartments at the foot of Cantrell Hill in Little Rock, U.S. District Judge Elsijane T. Roy.

Judge Roy called the authorities. The senator was pronounced dead at about 6:30 a.m.

Laymon writes: “Norma McClellan then called several of McClellan’s staff members, who came up to their apartment to visit with her. After Emon A. Mahony Jr. and Paul Berry arrived at the McClellan apartment and greeted Norma, she told them, ‘I want you to go look in the top drawer there — his underwear drawer.’ She showed them the Valentine boxers that they had purchased for him during the 1972 campaign. Norma told them that McClellan brought the boxers with him to Little Rock to ‘model for my boys.’

“In the days following McClellan’s death, state and national newspapers, members of Congress, former opponents, state leaders and others who had made McClellan’s acquaintance over the years lauded him for his tireless devotion to Arkansas and for his important accomplishments in the Senate, including a record number of Senate investigations (2,808 hours, 831 days and 2,183 witnesses).

“They referenced how the multitude of personal tragedies he had endured turned him into a man of steel and a man of faith, and they mentioned that he performed his duties as a public servant by consistently voting his convictions and doing what he believed to be right.”

Mahony and Berry will join another former McClellan staff member, Bob Snider, for the June meeting of the Political Animals Club in Little Rock as we mark the 40th anniversary of one of the great political races in Arkansas history — the Democratic primary runoff between McClellan and then U.S. Rep. David Pryor in June 1972.

Laymon also will be a member of that panel, which I will moderate. She will autograph copies of “Fearless” before and after the event.

What’s always a good lunch will be included for the $20 cost, which you can pay in cash or by check at the door. We’ll begin at 11:30 a.m. on Tuesday, June 19, in the Grand Hall of the Governor’s Mansion and conclude by 1 p.m.

You can make reservations by emailing Susan Edwards at sedwards@arkindcolleges.org and giving her the names of those who will be attending.

Advance reservations are required.

Laymon describes the David Pryor of 1972 as “a young and attractive congressman who hungered for higher office.”

On Oct. 19, 1967, Pryor had attended the John L. McClellan Day festivities in Camden as a first-term congressman.

McClellan told Pryor that day: “I want you to know that when I do leave the Senate, you’re the type of young man that I’d like to see succeed me.”

Laymon writes of similarities between the early careers of Pryor and McClellan.

“In 1934, McClellan quietly drove over the district to learn the intentions of possible candidates and to assess his chances of winning the congressional race. … In 1972, Pryor traveled outside his congressional district, talking to people and steadily building support. Many of Pryor’s friends told him they would support him for re-election, but not in a race against Sen. McClellan; however, he toyed with the idea of challenging McClellan and pursuing his longtime dream of becoming a senator.”

Pryor had to think about the political timing.

“A McClellan win in 1972 would handicap Pryor’s chances of challenging J. William Fulbright in 1974 with the rest of the state since McClellan and Pryor both called south Arkansas home,” Laymon writes. “If Pryor stayed in the House until 1978, his seniority in that chamber might not make the change worthwhile. Also, by 1978 he could lose some of the national momentum he had gained in the early 1970s when he crusaded for nursing home reforms.”

McClellan announced in a Little Rock news conference on Feb. 11, 1972, that he would run for re-election even though he had reached age 76. He emphasized the benefits of seniority with the campaign slogan “Strong Voice for Arkansas.”

Two days later, Bryant attorney Ted Boswell announced his intention to run against McClellan in the Democratic primary.

Pryor’s announcement came on Feb. 19 during a speech in his hometown of Camden.

“McClellan felt betrayed, disappointed and astonished when he learned that Pryor opted to challenge him,” Laymon writes. “McClellan thought highly of David Pryor and considered Pryor a protege. Some of McClellan’s staff believed that had Pryor first advised McClellan of his intentions, the senator would have stepped aside and endorsed Pryor for the office because of his friendship with Pryor’s family. Also, by Pryor not first informing McClellan of his plans, McClellan felt that Pryor did not acknowledge McClellan’s prominence and status in Arkansas politics, which offended McClellan.

“Regardless, McClellan never backed down when challenged, so he campaigned just as hard against Pryor in 1972 as he had against D.D. Glover in 1934, Hattie Caraway in 1938, Jack Holt Sr. in 1942 and Sid McMath in 1954.”

It had been 18 years since someone had seriously challenged McClellan. Rison native John Elrod was named the campaign manager. Berry was selected to drive McClellan to campaign stops across the state.

McClellan had two rules for staff members.

The first: “Don’t ever lie to me.”

The second: “Don’t ever be late.”

Given McClellan’s age, his staff would leave time in the campaign schedule for the senator’s afternoon nap followed by time to prepare for evening appearances.

Back to those underwear.

Laymon writes: “Often staff invited local young men to visit McClellan in his motel suite during those periods, which was the case when the McClellan party stopped in Newport in February 1972. While McClellan showered, a group assembled to meet the senator, but McClellan stayed an extra long time in the bathroom.

“Finally, he attracted Paul Berry’s attention and told Berry, ‘I don’t have any fresh underwear.’

“Berry and Mahony walked to a store across the street and purchased the necessary items, which Berry handed to McClellan enclosed in the store sack so as not to reveal the contents to the roomful of guests. Soon afterward, a blushing Sen. McClellan emerged to meet his visitors for the first time wearing loud boxer shorts covered with big hearts, cupids and arrows. McClellan credited his mischievous staff for his predicament as he circled the room, extending his hand and greeting the amused individuals.”

Television ads and a 30-minute paid television program that showed McClellan fishing were intended to convey the message that the senator’s age and health weren’t issues.

“Critics became less vocal about McClellan’s age after he took the stage and performed a quick, lively dance at Mountain View as musicians played their instruments,” Laymon writes.

She says McClellan would hold the attention of audiences across the state by interjecting stories from “his former campaigns or his experiences as a lawyer and prosecutor. … He said the barbs from his 1972 opponents reminded him of advice that he was given as a young lawyer — when the law is on your side, argue the law; when the facts are on your side, argue the facts; when neither is on your side, find fault with the other lawyers.”

Bill Wilson, now a federal judge, recalls being asked to speak on behalf of an opposing candidate during a rally attended by McClellan at Antioch in White County.

Wilson won a coin toss and could have gone last.

McClellan said, “Aw, you go ahead and go first.”

Wilson did, and it was a mistake.

“That taught me a lesson,” he later said. “I never did that again. After I got through, he wore me out.”

At one joint event, McClellan grabbed Pryor by the arm and said, “Pour it on me, son.”

“His grueling weekly schedule that began early Monday morning and extended until late Saturday night exhausted him physically, emotionally and mentally,” Laymon writes. “He rested on Sundays before repeating the cycle.”

McClellan received 44.7 percent of the vote in the primary. Pryor was second with 41.4 percent, and Boswell was third with 12.6 percent. Foster Johnson received the remainder of the primary votes.

The two-week runoff was on. Those were the “tantamount to” days of Arkansas politics when winning the Democratic primary was tantamount to election. Whoever won the Democratic runoff would have little problem dispatching Republican Wayne Babbitt in the fall.

Conventional wisdom was that an incumbent was finished if forced into a runoff.

“While the Pryor camp exploded with enthusiasm, the people in McClellan’s headquarters became disheartened and dejected as though all the air had been let out of the campaign tires,” Laymon writes. “Patrick Hays, who worked in McClellan’s campaign, compared the senator’s headquarters to a ship without a rudder. After a couple of days, the old steam engine began to sputter and then get a little traction, and as that traction increased, the wheels started rolling a little faster.”

McClellan informed his staff that he could not continue at the current pace for another two weeks. More than 150 key supporters from across the state arrived for a meeting in Little Rock. They committed an additional $280,000 and promised to all hit the trail on the senator’s behalf, covering far more ground than he could alone.

Every favor imaginable was called in as McClellan worked the phones from early in the morning until late at night. Boswell, meanwhile, endorsed Pryor, and Pryor challenged McClellan to a debate.

KATV-TV, Channel 7, in Little Rock agreed to air the debate in prime time the Sunday night before the Tuesday election. McClellan accepted the debate challenge on June 6 under the condition that McClellan would speak last.

“McClellan approached the debate as he did everything he attempted — by working hard, doing his homework and relying upon his years of experience and political savvy,” Laymon writes. “As an effective debater, McClellan habitually opted to speak last when he argued his position on the Senate floor, which allowed him to respond to points raised by his opponents.”

Mahony prepared McClellan a chart of Pryor’s numerous contributions from organized labor. McClellan hit hard in what would be remembered as the cookie jar debate.

“We talk about 50-cent donations out of overall pockets and out of cookie jars — I believe he said cookie jars,” McClellan said, looking at Pryor. “Listen, this is no overall pocket money. This is no cookie jar nickels and dimes. Take a look at this. Big, out-of-state contributions to Pryor. They total $79,877.16. … Yes, that’s a cookie jar — quite a cookie jar indeed.”

Pryor later said, “They wanted to see blood, and it was my blood that they saw, not his.”

McClellan won the runoff with 52 percent of the vote, carrying 52 of the state’s 75 counties.

I’ve used it a lot through the years, but it remains one of my favorite quotes.

It was the day after the November general election in 1986. Frank White’s third campaign against Bill Clinton had proved a bust for the GOP with Clinton winning re-election easily.

White had used the colorful Louisiana native Darrell Glascock — the man who had helped Tommy Robinson get elected to Congress as a Democrat in 1984 — as his campaign manager. During that 1986 campaign, Glascock challenged Clinton to a drug test with White practically racing to give a sample first.

On the Wednesday after the election, the Arkansas Gazette sent a reporter to various campaign headquarters to write a story on what the day after is like for political types.

As he cleaned out his desk at White headquarters, Glascock was asked what his plans were.

He answered: “I bought a Cornish hen so I can have all of my friends over for dinner.”

For some on this day after the election, it’s Cornish hen time.

I’m glad I no longer work full time in politics. At my age, I find it much more pleasant to sit back, watch the action and comment, which is just what I did last night from 10 p.m. until 11 p.m. on KARK-TV, Channel 4.

Great job with the election coverage, guys. Channel 4 had reporters all over the state.

It was a long, busy day. I had done commentary on Channel 4’s morning show, arriving at 6:20 a.m. I had gone to Camden during the afternoon so I could host a dinner of business leaders and talk about our state’s fine private colleges and universities.

Driving back to Little Rock from Camden, I listened to election coverage on my car radio. First, I listened to the in-depth coverage from Patrick Thomas, Sandy Sanford and Mark Smith on KELD-FM out of El Dorado. Later, Grant Merrill and Jeremy Hutchinson kept me informed on KEWI-AM out of Benton.

Back to that dinner in Camden: On a picture-perfect night with the humidity low, we sat at the River Woods on the shady banks of the Ouachita River enjoying the feast that James Woods had prepared for us — fried catfish, chicken, grilled sea bass, grilled steaks, alligator sausage from New Orleans. River Woods is James’ private events center. If you ever have the chance to go to his Camden restaurant, Woods Place, do so.

These were well-read, intelligent people who are interested in current affairs. We talked about higher education as we enjoyed the feast. We talked about demographic changes in Arkansas. We talked about the economy. But, on primary election day, we talked very little about politics.

I grew up when we were still in the “tantamount to” era of Arkansas politics — winning the Democratic primary was tantamout to election since Republicans just weren’t much of a factor in our state.

As a boy with a deep, abiding interest in Arkansas politics, primary night was when I would beg my father to take me to the Clark County Courthouse to hear the chairman of the Democratic Party Central Committee read the box-by-box returns.

“Okolona Box A . . .”

“Amity Box B . . .”

It was intoxicating.

When not at the courthouse, I would be glued to Channel 7, watching Steve Barnes and my fellow Arkadelphian Jim Ranchino. KATV news director Jim Pitcock would plan for months in advance. Channel 7 would begin its blanket coverage around 7 p.m. and stay on the air until well past midnight.

These days, the Little Rock television stations generally wait until 10 p.m. for election coverage.

It’s not that Arkansans no longer care about politics.

It’s that the Democratic primary is no longer tantamount to election.

In fact, I’m beginning to think that in many areas, winning the Republican primary might soon be tantamount to election.

The changes during the past several years have been nothing short of breathtaking. We’re living history. As I wrote here on the morning after the November 2010 general election, we’re living in a true two-party Arkansas for the first time in any of our lifetimes.

In at least a dozen of the counties in the 4th Congressional District, more people voted in the Republican primary than in the Democratic primary.

We’re talking about the 4th Congressional District of Arkansas, for gosh sakes, once among the most reliable House districts in the country for Democrats.

Granted, population losses in south Arkansas through the decades have led to counties now being in the district far north and west of its traditional footprint in the piney woods.

Still, let’s go down to the heart of south Arkansas, where I spent much of the day Tuesday.

In Union County, 500 more people voted in the Republican primary than the Democratic primary. I’m not sure that has ever happened there.

Ouachita County — the place where Sen. John L. McClellan once practiced law and where Sen. David Pryor grew up — had 1,100 people vote in the Republican primary. There was a time — not so long ago — when no more than 50 people would have voted in a GOP primary in Ouachita County.

So let’s look ahead to November and then look even further ahead to 2014.

On the congressional side this November, Republican Reps. Steve Womack in the 3rd District and Tim Griffin in the 2nd District seem safe.

Some observers considered Republican Rick Crawford’s 2010 win in the 1st District — Crawford became the first Republican to represent the Delta in Congress since Reconstruction — a fluke. But there was little money raised and little enthusiasm generated by the three candidates in the Democratic primary. Now my old friend Clark Hall from Marvell and Scott Ellington from Jonesboro will beat up on each other for another three weeks in the Democratic runoff campaign while Crawford continues to raise money as only an incumbent can do.

Crawford is by no means out of the woods, but all the rating services in Washington now have that district rated as either leaning Republican or likely Republican.

Back down in the 4th District, Tom Cotton can continue to rake in funds while state Sen. Gene Jeffress and barrister Q. Byrum Hurst beat up on each other for another three weeks on the Democratic side. As was the case in the 1st District Democratic primary, there just didn’t seem to be much energy on the part of Democratic voters in the 4th District.

Regardless of who wins the Jeffress-Hurst race, Cotton will enter the fall campaign as the heavy favorite. He was impressive in winning his primary without a runoff against the organized, energetic Beth Anne Rankin of Magnolia.

A former Democratic legislator — who understands Arkansas and its people — told me yesterday that he thinks Cotton is the next rising star in Arkansas politics. He predicted that Cotton will serve one term in Congress and then be elected governor in 2014.

I do know this: There will be far more interest in the 2014 primaries than there were in the 2012 primaries.

For one thing, Sen. Mark Pryor is up for re-election. If I had to guess now, I would say that Griffin will win the GOP Senate nomination to challenge Pryor.

With no clear front-runner in the race for governor, I expect crowded primaries on either side.

On the Republican side, you could see Cotton, Womack, Lt. Gov. Mark Darr, a business leader or two and maybe even an old warhorse like Asa Hutchinson or Jim Keet run for governor.

On the Democratic side, the attorney general, Dustin McDaniel, has in essence been running for governor since the day he was elected AG. Little Rock businessman John Burkhalter can put a bunch of his own money into the race. Surely there’s a legislator or two on the Democratic side who will run. Maybe even a past statewide candidate or two like a Bill Halter or a Shane Broadway will get in the race.

Consider the fact that this is the first race for governor of Arkansas since 1966 in which we’ll start with neither an incumbent nor a clear favorite.

Mike Beebe was an incumbent in 2010 and the favorite from the start in 2006.

Mike Huckabee was an incumbent in 2002 and 1998.

Jim Guy Tucker was an incumbent in 1994.

Bill Clinton was an incumbent in 1990, 1986 and 1984.

Frank White was an incumbent in 1982, and Clinton was an incumbent in 1980.

Clinton was the strong favorite going into the 1978 race.

David Pryor was an incumbent in 1976 and the clear favorite in the three-man 1974 Democratic primary that included Lt. Gov. Bob Riley (my neighbor from Ouachita Hills) and former Gov. Orval Faubus (whose time had passed).

Dale Bumpers was an incumbent in 1972, and Winthrop Rockefeller was an incumbent in 1970 and 1968.

You must go back to 1966 — almost half a century ago — to find a time when we had a race for governor with neither an established front-runner nor an incumbent. In 1966, Faubus decided not to seek a seventh two-year term. The Democrats nominated Justice Jim Johnson. Rockefeller, who had lost to Faubus in 1964, ran again in ’66 and became the first Republican governor since Reconstruction.

Back to this year for a moment.

Republicans certainly have a chance to earn a majority in one or both houses of the Legislature for the first time since Reconstruction. History in the making.

On the congressional front, if the GOP holds its current seats and picks up the 4th District, the Arkansas delegation in Washington will have gone from 5-1 Democratic at the end of 2010 to 5-1 Republican at the start of 2013.

Whether you’re a Democrat, a Republican or an independent, the pace of political change is amazing from a historical context. As I stated earlier, we’re living in a period that Arkansas historians will be discussing decades from now.

Enough politics for today. That Cornish hen is waiting on me for dinner.

I rarely write about politics on this blog.

That sometimes comes as a surprise to those who know me since I’ve spent much of my career in politics and continue to love the political game.

There are several reasons why I don’t write about politics on a regular basis. For one thing, there are too many columnists, bloggers and other commentators already out there writing millions of words and using thousands of hours of valuable air time to express their views. Why add to that already crowded mix?

From the start, I was determined to make this blog something different — a few longer posts each week rather than multiple short posts, a focus on the things (from football to barbecue) that make this part of the country such a great place to live.

Another reason I don’t express my poltical views here is that I figure you really don’t care what I think. As we get older and wiser, we hopefully become a bit more humble. Who really cares what I think about health care reform, for instance? I won’t burden you with my political views.

All of that said, I do have some thoughts about what happened yesterday in Arkansas. Maybe I can add some perspective. I’m not one to exaggerate, but for the first time I believe we’re living in a true two-party state.

Arkansas politics traditionally have been personality based. And the Republicans had some personalities rise to the top through the years — a Winthrop Rockefeller here, a Mike Huckabee there. What happened yesterday, however, was different from anything that has occurred in my 51 years here. In a state where a lot of people have voted straight-party tickets for Democrats, we saw thousands of people vote straight-party tickets for Republicans.

That’s new.

Overnight, we’ve gone from five Democrats and one Republican in our congressional delegation to four Republicans and two Democrats.

We’ve gone from all seven statewide constitutional officers being Democrats to three of the seven being Republicans.

We’ve gone from one of the most heavily Democratic legislatures in the country to an Arkansas Legislature in which the Democrats will hold majorities of only about 55-45 in the House and 20-15 in the Senate. That puts Republicans in a position to capture majorities in both houses of the Legislature in the next one or two election cycles.

Sit back, take a deep breath and think of the enormity of all this.

As I ran my mouth last night in the KUAR-FM studio (thanks to those of you who tuned in), I realized I was witnessing history. I had never seen a Republican elected to Congress from the Delta of east Arkansas, for instance. And only once before had I ever watched a Republican declare victory in a U.S. Senate race in this state.

The scope of things didn’t really sink in, though, until this morning when I realized that Republicans had won every contested state Senate seat, had won the lieutenant governor’s office and had won the secretary of state’s office in addition to the land commissioner’s office.

That’s not to mention the fact that my home county — Clark County — had voted to go wet. Now there’s something I really never thought I would see.

Is this Arkansas? Well, yes. It’s the new Arkansas.

Will it be a better Arkansas? That’s yet to be determined.

Having worked in political campaigns and having worked in government, I can tell you that governing is a far different animal than running for office. Simply winning office doesn’t ensure you’ll be successful serving in office. If you don’t believe me, ask President Obama.

Arkansas Republicans must help govern now.

For my friends in both parties, I say this: Don’t ever abandon your principles. But leave the highly partisan rhetoric at the door now that the campaigns have ended and do what’s best for Arkansas. When I worked for Mike Huckabee in the governor’s office, we had a hypothetical question we would ask ourselves in an attempt to remain grounded: “What does this mean for that couple eating breakfast this morning in Dermott?”

As a Republican administration dealing with a heavily Democratic Legislature, we never would have accomplished anything without reaching across party lines on a daily basis and forging compromises. Because we did that, Mike Huckabee will, I believe, be remembered as one of the most successful governors in Arkansas history.

The 2011 legislative session won’t be nearly as pleasant for Gov. Mike Beebe as the 2007 and 2009 sessions were. There’s a lot less money and a lot more Republicans. Given his many years as a legislator, though, I’m confident Beebe will be able to forge compromises. The strategies will have to change, but the goal of building a better Arkansas will remain the same. I have confidence in this governor.

Competition generally is a good thing. I suspect I was a better newspaperman, for example, when I was working for the Arkansas Democrat and having to compete daily against the Arkansas Gazette than I was when I worked for the monopoly Arkansas Democrat-Gazette.

And I think competition will be a good thing in Arkansas politics as long as officeholders ask themselves each morning what they’re doing for that couple eating breakfast in Dermott (or Dell, Decatur or Doddridge to bring the other three corners of our state into the mix).

Back in the spring I wrote about how much I enjoy election nights. I’ve found that I enjoy the day after almost as much now — reading the stories, analyzing the returns, comparing notes with fellow political animals. Considering how dry it has been, I love watching the rain out my offfice window today. But I realize that the rainy day likely adds to the sadness of those candidates and campaign workers who were involved in losing efforts.

Twice I’ve worked full time in losing campaigns. That means I woke up the morning after without a job.

The first time was 1984 when I worked for Judy Petty, the Republican candidate in the 2nd Congressional District who lost to then-Democrat Tommy Robinson. I remember how much a call that next morning from Skip Rutherford meant to me. Skip, a Democrat but a friend first and foremost, said: “I’ve been there the morning after losing a campaign. You think nobody in the world cares about you. I wanted you to know I’m thinking of you.”

I have friends in both parties — people like Democrat Shane Broadway and Republican Beth Anne Rankin — who lost. Good friend Kelly Boyd appears to have lost his legislative race by fewer than 30 votes. To all of them, I say this: Thanks for putting your name out there and running. We need good people running for office, and you’re good people. I don’t have the guts to run. I’m glad you did.

I’m reminded of a story the Arkansas Gazette put together the day after the 1986 election. The reporter went to various campaign offices that Wednesday to see what people were doing and saying. Darrell Glascock had run Frank White’s third, final and worst campaign against Bill Clinton. White had been wiped out as the incumbent Clinton won with 64 percent of the vote.

Glascock was asked what he would do now.

He replied: “I’m going to buy a Cornish hen and have all my friends over for dinner.”

Some final thoughts on this rainy day when it finally feels like fall:

— I was truly saddened by state Sen. Joyce Elliott’s refusal to concede defeat when she came out shortly after 10 p.m. During my years at the state Capitol, I found Joyce to be an excellent legislator with whom to work. She’s smart, articulate and dedicated to those things in which she believes. On Tuesday night, she forgot her manners. It had been obvious since shortly after the polls closed (actually it had been obvious for weeks) that Tim Griffin would be the next congressman from the 2nd District. There’s a certain election night etiquette that should be followed in a civilized society. Admitting the obvious and congratulating your opponent is part of the process. Joyce made all the wrong moves at a time when she had a chance to be classy and graceful with a statewide television audience tuned in. I can understand why it’s easy for candidates to become a bit delusional; after all, they’ve invested more than anyone. But those advising Sen. Elliott should have forced the issue. The lasting impression for thousands of Arkansans will be of that graceless exit, and that’s unfortunate. Tim did exactly the right thing by coming out and declaring victory as soon as it became obvious that his opponent could not bring herself to say “congratulations.”

— The three best-run campaigns were those of Beebe, Griffin and John Boozman. They were disciplined and focused throughout, and focus is a tough thing to maintain in the rough and tumble of a campaign. As an old politico, my hat is off to those involved in each of those campaigns.

 — It appears Boozman will finish with about 58 percent of the vote. That means I can hold onto one of my few claims to fame. Gov. Huckabee gave me the honor of managing his 1998 campaign. We finished with almost 60 percent of the vote. I can still say I managed the campaign that received the highest percentage of the vote of any statewide GOP campaign in Arkansas history.

Enough politics. Back to football tomorrow.

On what promises to be a historic election night in Arkansas, I hope you will consider tuning in KUAR-FM, 89.1, in Little Rock beginning at 8 p.m.

Dr. Jay Barth of Hendrix College and I will provide what I hope will be the best election night media analysis you can find in this state on either radio or television.

Kelly MacNeil will anchor the coverage from the studio. Ron Breeding and Michael Hibblen, two of the most talented radio journalists in the country, will be reporting from the field.

If you want to know what’s going on around Arkansas, 89.1 FM is the place to be.

As the great Charles Osgood of CBS would say, I’ll see you on the radio.